文化，产业关系，与经济发展：秘鲁的案例【外文翻译】(编辑修改稿)

文化，产业关系，与经济发展：秘鲁的案例【外文翻译】(编辑修改稿)内容摘要：

one you would be an obrero and the other an empleado, which job would you prefer? For those who gave the expected answer of empleado, we tried to measure the intensity o[ tJie preference by offering a series of possibilities in which the obrero job paid successively from 50 to 300 soles more per week and then the most extreme statement, Under no circumstances would I choose to be an obrero. To put these figures in perspective. 300 soles is approximately .$. The maximum differential we offered, 300 solos per week, is in itself more than the newly established legal minimum salary for empleados in Lima: 750 soles per month. As we applied this question to boys in the courses of letters, sciences, and mercial studies in the high schools, we found the overwhelming preference for the status of empleado that we had expect. ed. When we applied the question to the boys in the industrial arts programs, we found a difference— but not enough difference to give much, encouragement to Peru. Among these boys, supposedly being educated to be skilled workers, only percent chose obrero when offered the same amount of pay they would receive as empleado. On the other hand, percent chose obrero only if they received 300 soles more per week, and percent chose Under no circumstances would I be an obrero. In other words, twothirds of these boys flatly rejected the possibility of being an obrero or else imposed conditions that are extremely difficult if not impossible to realize. I have already presented one explanation for this finding: the category of obrero seems to occupy very low social status in Peru, and apparently the notion of being a skilled obrero has not yet affected this social reputation very much. There is also another explanation which bees apparent as we look at the educational pyramid in Peru. Of every one thousand children who enter the first year of school, only 51 graduate from high school. Of these 51, how many make application to continue their education in a university? 51or 52. (The possible excess is accounted for by the fact that, on the one hand, nearly everyone who finishes high school applies to be admitted to a university, and many of those who are turned down one year apply again the following year— and the year after that.) Thus, in a country where over 50 percent of the population is illiterate and those who finish high school represent a very small proportion of those who began schooling, it is natural and inevitable for those boys in。 their last year of high school to think of themselves as members of an elite group. Why then should a member of elite lower himself to do manual labor? In this way the shape of the educational pyramid tends to reinforce the cultural barrier against manual work. THE MOTIVATIONAL DRAG ON INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT Who in Peru wants to work in a factory? We put the question in this way: Assuming equal economic opportunities, in which of the following types of organizations would you prefer to work? We offered the following choices: realestate business, factory, government service, banking, hacienda (or large farm), a large store, buying and selling of food stuffs, or a shop (taller) such as machine shop, electrical repair shop, etc. We found 50 percent of our industrial arts students picking the workshop, indicating an interest in being small business men in the industrial field, whereas 25 percent chose the factory, and the remaining votes were scattered. For the boys in the other course programs of the public schools (mercial, letters, and sciences) the factory lags far behind the more traditional spheres of government service and the banking, and the shop hardly figures at all. If we divide our private school boys into three prestige levels, according to the social standing of the schools, we find that the lowest level of students in letters and sciences have the same pattern of choice observed in the public schools. It is only as we get to the top social level, to the three schools for children of the social elite, that we find the factory exerting a strong appeal, being practically tied for first place with the hacienda or large farm. This faithfully reflects the current situation of the generation preceding these boys. The hacienda has for generations been the primary field of economic activity for the social dlite, and in recent years members of this elite have been branching out into industrial activities. We find then that the children of the social ^lite are much more oriented toward industrial careers than are the public school boys— ^with the exception of the industrial arts students who can hardly be expected to bee important industrial leaders. In terms of their own inclinations and in terms of their family and other social connections, we can confidently predict that, barring a revolution, many of these boys from the elite schools will be among the industrial leaders of the Peru of tomorrow. Do these boys show the psychological qualities required to push Peru ahead more rapidly along the path of industrial development? Are they willing to do their own work and show some degree of independence, or do they prefer to rely on personal connections for reaching their goals? For measurements in this area, we used more than twenty items, most of them newly devised for our questionnaire. Nearly all of them showed systematic differences according to social status. Let me present several items fro。